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Her first term spanned from toduring which she enjoyed massive public approval. Similar progress has been made throughout Latin America, with women now occupying seats in parliaments and presidential palaces across the region.
But in spite of these strides, violence against women and economic disparity between genders remain exceptionally high, leaving much room for progress in the Latin American quest for gender equality.
InBachelet was the first woman to win a Chilean presidential election. Although Chinchilla will step down this spring, all of these women are in power today. The total population of their countries is upwards of million — meaning that they collectively represent nearly half of Latin America.
In that fight, these chief executives will have many powerful female allies in Latin American legislatures. In Latin America as a whole, women occupy more than a quarter of the total parliamentary seats.
This renders the region second only to Scandinavia, which is governed by parliaments that are 42 percent female on average. Given that the world average is The legacy of Lutz and other early 20th century advocates has been proudly carried on: Instead, contradictory heritages of feminism and patriarchy have determined the paths of Presidents Bachelet, Rousseff, Kirchner and Chinchilla.
In all six of the presidential elections they have won, these four women have received clear mandates from their countries. In her most recent election last December, Bachelet trounced her opponent — Evelyn Matthei — with 62 percent of the vote.
In her victory, Kirchner received 54 percent in the first round of voting, which was the best performance and biggest margin in that round since The wide margins of victory that these leaders have enjoyed are suggestive of a strong willingness — and even eagerness — on the part of Latin American voters to elect a woman.
But these promising results carry with them several hidden truths. Each of the four female presidents currently in power had strong ties to the men who preceded them, suggesting that their rise to power — however groundbreaking — still relied on support from the male establishment.
Bachelet served as health minister and then defense minister under Chilean President Ricardo Lagos Escobar interviewed on page 40who enjoyed widespread popularity.
When Lula stepped down as president, his approval rating was above 80 percent and he drew immense support from the poor northeastern part of the country.
BeforeRousseff had never run for elected office. She succeeded his administration in after being elected to the presidency.
Similarly, the rise of women to parliaments in Latin America has been made possible mostly through significant institutional efforts.
InArgentina implemented a quota requiring that a minimum of 30 percent of legislative candidates be women. Today, similar quotas exist in more than a dozen countries in the region.
There is a great deal of variability in these laws, in terms of both the percentage they require ranging from 20 to 50 percent and the degree to which they are enforced. There is also variability in how the quotas are implemented: Some quota regulations contain loopholes that make them ineffective, while others have proven immensely vital to the promotion of female politicians.
In some countries, party efforts to attract women voters have led to quota systems despite a lack of central government policies.
Overall, the quota system has proven to be effective in quickly offsetting male-dominated platforms where women used to be largely overlooked. These four leaders also came to power at ideal times, benefiting from strong support for their parties in other parts of government.
This should facilitate the implementation of her agenda for more socioeconomic equality in Chile.
Like Bachelet and Kirchner, Rousseff began her term alongside a congressional sweep by her party and its coalition. After weathering large-scale street protests last year, Rousseff remains the strong favorite in opinion polls for the next presidential election, to be held in October.
As a result of their popular support, these female leaders have the potential not only to advance causes of wide appeal, but also to push forward more contestable policies on social and economic inequality, such as divorce and abortion rights. And yet progress for women outside of the electoral sphere is far less forthcoming.
UN studies estimate that close to one in two women will become a victim of violence over the course of her lifetime in certain parts of Latin America. In Brazil alone, 29 percent of women report domestic abuse in a single year.
In addition to widespread sexual violence, Latin America has an exceptionally high concentration of femicide, the killing of women on the basis of their gender. The region is home to 10 of the 25 countries with the highest rates of femicide — including five of the top **The controversy continues over Senator Bernie Sanders’ endorsement of an Omaha mayoral candidate with a checkered past as far as reproductive rights are concerned.
Blocking funding for Obama health care law: (restrictions on free speech about federal politicians) Health care restructuring: Ending debate on Reid bill: Health care restructuring: Reid "manager's amendment" Motion to kill Nelson-Hatch Amendment (to remove abortion subsidies from health care bill) To block the D.C.
"Reproductive Health. It's designed to block people from care at Planned Parenthood health centers. As a result, millions of people would have nowhere to go for birth control, cancer screenings, STD testing and treatment, and even general wellness exams.
In , Hugh E. Rodham, father of Hillary Clinton, made the statement about the Democrat Party, which is a party strongly supported by liberals, “Democrats are one step short of Communism.” In , the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), after decades of running their own presidential candidates, stopped running presidential candidates .
What is the Right to Adequate Health? The increased emphasis upon women’s human rights both in regard to reproductive health and with respect to the access of health care also suggests that more people are receiving the rights due them.
IV. American health care law, bioterrorism, tobacco, violence and public health. But dominionists can celebrate the Senate’s continued attacks on reproductive choice as limited victories in the long-term effort to conform law and public policy to what the movement sees as.